Sabtu, 28 April 2012

What is a Political Science Dissertation?


Chapter 3
What is a Political Science Dissertation?

Dissertations in political science can perform seven principal missions. This gives rise to seven types of dissertation, one for each mission. Most dissertations perform several of these missions, and thus  are hybrids, but it is still usefull to consider possible ideal type dissertations.
1.     A theory-proposing dissertations advances new hypotheses. A deductive argument for these hypotheses is advanced. Examples may be offered to illustrate these hypotheses and to demonstrate they plausibility, but strong empirical tests are not performed.
2.     A theory-testing dissertation uses empirical evidence to evaluate existing theories. This evidence can take the form of large-n analysis, case studies,or both.
     Many dissertations are a blend of type 1 and . they do some theory-proposing and some theory-testing. However, a good thesis can focus exclusively on proposing theory, or on testing theory, as long as it contributes useful knowledge.
3.     A literature-assesing (or “stok taking”) dissertations summarizes and evaluates existing theories are valuable and existing tests are persuasive and complete.
4.      A policy-evaluative or policy-prescriptive dissertation evaluates current of future public policies or policy proposals. Are the factual and theoretical premises of the proponents and opponents of proposed policies valid or invalid? Will the policy produce the results that its proponents promise?
       It is often said that policy-prescriptive work is not theoretical. The opposites    is  true. All policy proposals rest on forecasts about the effects of policies. These forecasts rest in turn on implicit or explicit theoretical assumptions about the laws of social and political motion. Hence all evaluation of public policy requires the framing and evaluation of theory, hence it is fundamentally theoretical.
     Policy prescriptive work can focus on evaluating a particular policy on evaluating competing solutions to a given problem or on the policy implications of a political or technical development (such as, for example,the nuclear revolution or the collapse of the soviet empire)
5.     A historical-explanatory dissertation uses theory (academically recognized theory, folk theory, or”common sence” deduction) to explain the causes, pattern, or consequences of historical cases.                                                                                                         Such works often provide a good deal of description but focus on explaining what is described.
6.     A historical-evaluative dissertation evaluates the factual and theoretical beliefs that guided official or unofficial policy actors, and/or evaluates the consequences of the policies they pursued.
           Dissertations of types 5 and 6 are rare and little admired in political sience. This reflects a general bias in the field favoring the creation and testing of theory over the application of theory. However, this bias is misguided. If theoris are never applied, then what are they for? Theories have value only if they are eventually put to work to explain, assess, or prescribe.
Moreover, scholarship of types 5 and 6 lacks a friendly home in other disciplines, which leaves this work to political scientists. Some historians are averse to explicit explanation, instead preferring to “let the facts speak for themselves”. Others will elaborate a preferred explanation, but they rarely set contending explanations against one another, as one must to fully evaluate and expalanation. Historians are also (with some exception) generally averse to writing evaluative history. However, without explanatory historical work we learn little from the past about present and future problem solving. Henc some field should accept these tasks. i nominate political science.
7.     A predictive-dissertation applies theories to extrapolate the future world from current events or from posited future developments. A purely predictive dissertation is a risky project because the future is constantly happening, raising the danger that the project may be overtaken by events. Therefore, students should generally steer clear of dissertations of this sort. However, this warning isn’t iron-clad. Predictive work can be valuable and can take dissertation form.
These seven types of dissertation can be summarized as falling into four categories: theory-proposing (1), theory-testing (  ), theory-applying (4,5,6 and 7), and literature-assesing (3).
          Dissertations of type 1 and –theory-making and theory-testing have the most cachet in political science, but all seven types are legitimate if they are well done. Be clear in your own mind about which type of dissertation you are doing.
     Finally, some words on descriptive dissertations are in order. Such dissertations describe political circumstances. They comein two type; contempory descriptive (focusing on current development and condition) and historical descriptive (focusing on past events and conditions).
     A descriptive dissertation in an eighth possible type of political science dissertation, however, a purely descriptive thesis will be poorly received by other political scientists. They want authors to explain or evaluate the events, policies, or ideas they describe. Hence description should be combined with some making, testing, or application of teory. Description must often reced explanation or evaluation, however, since fenomena that have not been described cannot be explaned or evaluated. Hence students who seek to explain or evaluate fenomena that other have not fully described must first devote heavy attention to description, giving rise to largely descriptive dissertations. This is fine as long as the students also does some explaining or evaluating.








Chapter 4
Helpful Hints on Political Science Dissertation

I often make the following suggestion to graduate students who are launching dissertation.
Topic Selection
     A good dissertation asks an important question. The answer should be relevant to real problems facing the real world.
     Hans Morgentaau once lamented that social scientist often hide in “the trivial, the formal, the methodological, the purely theoretical, the remotely historical- in short, the politically irrelevant. Such conduct is both a crime and a blunder. Being relevant is more fun, better for the world, and a good career move. Scholars who advance bold arguments win more praise than abuse if their work is sound. Research gains visibility largely by having college teachers assign it. Teachers assign work that frames debates. Hence work that boldly presents a side in an important debate or starts its own debate will be more widely assigned and thus more renowned. Its author will bask in academic fame and glory.
     How can good topics be found? Starting yesterday, keep a “Books and Articles That Someone Should Write” file. When you form a mental picture of something you want to read, but a share reveals that it doesn’t exist, record its hypothetical title and stash it in your books and articles file. many of these absen articles wont be  suitable projects for you, but some will. The rest are possible  topics for your friends and future students. You do a major service by devising projects they can execute.
     After each graduate school class, write and audit memo about the subject area of the course asking what wass missing. What important questions went unasked? What answers did you expect to find in the literature that never appeared? What research projects could provide these answers?
          Ph.D. qualifying exams offer another opportunity to audit the field for fillable holes. You have surveyed the field’s horizon: now write the memo on questions and answers that turned up missing in the literature and research that could provide the missing answers.
     Dissertation topics can also be found in public policy debates.
First, read up on a policy debate you care about. Then identify the key disputes of fact or theory that drive opposing sides to their opposites conclusions. Then devise a research project that addresses one or more of these disputes. This search method locates research questions that are unresolved and germane to important public policy questions.

Organizations
     A good dissertation has a thesis a main line of argument, or a set of related arguments. If your dissertation lacks a thesis, think it trough again. If your dissertation has too many these, consider ways to organize your ideas more simply.

Your dissertation prospectus
     Your dissertation prospectus support your applications for research support money. Your prospectus should be five to ten pages long. It should frame the question you will address, the reasons why these questions are worth exploring, your working hypotheses (the answers you expect to find), your methods of inquiry, and the reasons why you chose these methods.
     You should footnote your prospectus as you would a research paper. Good bibliographic footnotes to existing work on your topic are important.
     Before sending it out, circulate you prospectus among friends and collagues for their comments and criticisms.

Your introductory chapter
     The introduction and conclusion are the most-read part of most dissertations and the only-read parts of many, hence their design merits special attention.
     You should start your dissertation with a summary introduction mchapter. A summary introduction helps readers measure your evidence against your claims and arguments at the cutest. This makes your work more readable.
Your summary introduction should answer six question:
1.     What question or questions do you address? Spell them out clearly. A dissertation can propose theories,test theories, explain historical events, or evaluate past or present policies or policy proposals. It can summarize and assess a body of literature. It can describe contemporary circumstances or historical events. It can do several or all of the above. State clearly which of these missions your dissertation fulfills.
                    Frame your questions in terms that call for specific answers. Questions that begin “how can we understand” (how can we understand the meaning of the nuclear revolution by reading bob jervis”) technically qualify as answers. Focused questions are better: ”what are the consequences of the nuclear revolutions?”,or”what are the causes of nationalism?” questions that inquire about “cause “ or “consequence,” or that pose specific descriptive tasks (“how numerous were stalin’s victims?”) are better, since readers can more easily tell if you answer them.

2.   Why do these questions arise from what scholarly literature or real-world events? What previous literature has been written on these questions? What is the “state of the art” on the subject?
If your questions arise from an evolving scholarly literature, you should discuss that literature in the text of your introduction and note ancillary or related literature in footnotes. Note any controversies in this literature, explain their origins and evolution, detail the arguments made by both sides, and summarize their current status. Not the factual or theoretical crux of any continuing disagreements. Not also the holes in the current literature. What questions have not been explored? (let’s hope yours is among them). You also might interpret the motives that sustain continuing controversies. What, if any, political or methodological motives are driving the disputans apart? Are these disputants honest scholars or paid polemicists? In short, explain what’s been going on in the field you are entering.
If your questions arise from historical or contemporary events, detail these events, explain their significance, and explain why they give rise to the question or questions you address. Also mention any existing literature on the subject you address, and note holes in that literature.
3.   What answer or answers will you offer? Clearly suumarize your conclusions in your introduction. Your summary should offer enough detail to let readers grasp the main elements of your argument by reading your introduction alone. It should run several pages al least.
The opposite strategy, of seducing readers by withholding conclusions until late in the document, merely tries readers’ patience. Moreover, your argument is lost on the many readers who won’t read past your introduction.
4.   What competing explanations, arguments, interpretations, or frameworks will you reject or refute? Clearly identify the books, articles, and ideash that you demolish.
Connect your dissertation to all the debates and literatures that it speaks to. If it speaks to several debates or literatures, flag this so participants in each debate will realize that your work matters to them. This helps them and also you: they will site you and make you famous.
5.   How will you reach your answers? Say a few words about your methodology and sources. If you are doing case studies, explain how you selected your cases. If you are doing archival research, say so, and identify the archives and sources you used. If you are doing a large-n statistical study, explain the origins and construction of the data basis you are using, and explain your method of analysis in terms comprehensible to the many among your readers who have forgotten their statistics. If you are using other evidence, for example, press accounts, explain is nature. If your approach is largely deductive, explain this.
If there are methods or sources that readers might expect you to use, but that for some reason you did not use, you might note this and explain your decisions. Evidence that provide to be unavailable and lines of research that provide infeasible might be mentioned. If there are important questions that you did not answer them. Instead cf writing your way around gaps in your research, explain them honestly in your introduction. (but do your research in a way that doesn’t require lame excuses)
6.   What comes next? Provide a roadmap to the rest of the dissertation: “ chapter 1 explains how I begin my live of crime; chapter *details early arrests; chapter 3 describes my road to death row; chapter 4 offers general theoretical conclusions and policy implications.”something of that short
Subjects 1(“what is your question?”),*(“why does this question arise?”), and 3(“what is your answer?”) are the most important. Make sure you cover these with care.
Summary introductions of this sort reduce confusion about what your dissertation does and does not say. They also serve a diagnostic purpose for the author. The act of drafting a summary can alert you to internal contradictions or other flaws in the structure of your argument. This helps you flag problems that need fixing.
Your introduction should be the first chapter you draft and the last chapter you finish. Since it summarizes your dissertation you can’t complete it until the other chapters are done and you know what they say. So don’t spend effort polishing it until the rest of your dissertation is written.

Your concluding chapter

In your conclusion you may want to summarize your questions and answers, if your summary introduction was cursory. However, I recommend that you recapitulate your research only briefly and then explore its implications at greater length. What policy implications follow from your discoveries? Which general theories does it call into question, and which does it reinforce? What broader historical questions does it raise or settle? What further research is called for by your discoveries? This is the place to discuss the larger significance of your research.



Study Design and Presentation: Observe Cumulative Knowledge Norms
Political science is often criticized because few questions are ever settled and the same issues are revisited over and over. Things will improve if social scientist follow practices that foster the accumulation of knowledge. So please follow these injunctions:
1.  Have a research design before you start your research. This platitude is too often honored in the breach.”the main purpose of the (research) design is to help to avoid the situation in which the evidence does not address the initial research questions. Those who proceed without a research design risk being marooned on a mismatch between their questions and their evidence.
2.   Frame your argument clearly. Knowledge accumulates only if your readers know what you have said.
If your dissertation proporses, tests, or applies theories. If your hypotheses cannot be roduced to arrow diagrams, then you writing and probably your thinking are too muddy. Think your project through again. This advice applies to explicity theoretical work and to policy-prescriptive writing frames these theories clearly.
If your dissertation is largely descriptif or historical, your main discoveries should be clearly summarized at least once in the dissertation, preferably at the outset.
If your dissertation tests theories or explanations, clearly frame their predictions (or”observable implications”) before presenting evidence. Theories and explanations are tested by inferring predictions from the explanation and then asking if the predictions are comfirmed or discomfirmed by the evidence. You should explicate this process for your readers by clearly framing the predictions your evidence tests. (most authors omit this step but that doesn’t make it wise)
Fram all predictions that flow from your theory, including those that are falsified by the evidence or prove untestable. Failed predictions should be identified and their failure confessed. If some predictions are comfirmed and some fail, say so and offer interpretation.
Thus your overall format should be (a) frame your theory/ explanation; (b) infer predictions from it;(c) perform tests; and (d) offer interpretation.
3.  Be definitive. Your dissertation should reflect a comprehensive survey of literature and evidence relevant to your subject. Your footnotes should provide a compherensive bibliography to the important literature relevan to your topic. This requires that you gain mastery off all aspects of your subject.
4.  Document all sources and statement of fact. This requires a good personal system for storing retrieving your evidence. One of my rules of thumb: when in doubt, make photocopies. Copy everything you might use or cite in your dissertation.this eases data retrieval and documentation of sources.
5.  “argue against yourself.” Acknowledge counterarguments that might be raised by skeptical readers and briefly address them letter in the text. Concede what you should to these arguments and explain why you want concede more. This shows readers that you have given due thougt to possible objections or alternate interpretations. It also forestalls baseless criticism of your work.
6.   Do plausibility probes as the first phase of your research. In other words, find out the answer before doing your study. The experimental science model proceeds from question to hypothesis to prediction to experiment to conclusion. This mechanistic program seldom works for us. Instead we go from question to hypothesis to prediction to data exploration (plausibility probe) to revised hyputhesis to prediction to larger data exploration to conclusion. In short, we often “work backward” from answer to proof. We must do this to narrow the range of possible answers we fully investigate. Otherwise we would waste energy doing full-dress tests of hypotheses that a cursory look at the data would refute.
7.   Clearly identify works that your dissertation revises, contradicts, or supersedes. If your dissertation is theoretical or policy prescriptive, identify by name those authors whose works you refute. Is your dissertation is descriptive or historical, identify exactly which previos accounts you are revising. This may annoy the superseded authors, but otherwise your readers will continue to quote outmoded work.
How can you sharpen your methodological skills? Reread works you admire, keeping an eye on how the authors executed their projects. Form an attitude on what they did right and wrong and not the methods and sources they used. Consider whether similar methods or sources might be appropriate for your possible dissertation project.



Writing

          A well-written dissertation is more likely to be published, assigned, and quoted. So bear the following points in mind:
1.  That which is simple is also good. Your dissertation should make a single main point or handful of related points. It should have a clear, simple structure.
                    Avoid cluttering your dissertation with extra ornaments and gargoyles (as students often do). Just because you researched something doesn’t mean it belongs in the manuscript. Cutting is painful “I sweated hours over this!” to bad! In the word of research, half your work is done to be thrown away or saved for a later project.
                    The logic of presentation varies from the logic of discovery, but your write-up should follow the logic of presentation. This mean it should move simply and clearly from your questions to your answers. It is seldom wise to present your discoveries in the same order in which you made them.
Pitch your writing at a level appropriate for collage under graduate readers. Do not write at a level that only your faculty supervisors can understand. Scholarship that isn’t use in the collage classroom has little impact; hence you should take pains to address the average student.
2.  The following structure is often appropriate for dissertation chapters:
a.     Your argument
b.     Your supporting evidence
c.      Counterarguments, qualifications, and limiting conditions of your argument
d.     Brief concluding remarks, which my include comments on the implications of your argument, or may note questions they raise
3.     Start each chapter with several paragraphs summarizing the argument presented in the chapter  ou may cut these summaries from your final draft if they seem reduntdant with your summary introduction but include them in your first drafts. They will help your supervisor and friends to read and comment on individual chapters. You may also want to keep these summaries in if they seem to fit. Finally, forcing yourself to summarize your argument in each chapter is a good way to make yourshelf confront contradictions or shortcomings in that argument.
          Often these chapter summaries are best written after your write the chapter but don’t forget to add them at some point.
4.  Start each paragraph with a topic sentence that distills the point of the paragraph. Later sentences should offer supporting material that explains or elaborates the point of the topic sentence. Qualifications or refutation to counterarguments should then follow. In short, paragraphs should have the same structure as whole chapters.
                    A reader should be able to grasp the thrust of your dissertation by reading only the first couple of sentences of every paragraph.
5.  Break chapters into numbered sections and subsections. More subsections are better then fewer; they help your readers follow your argument. Lebel each section or subsection with a vivid section heading that communicates the meaning of the section.
6.  Write short, declarative sentence. Avoid the passive voice. (passive voice:”the kulaks were murdered”-but who did it? Active voice:”stalin murdered the kulaks.”)
For more advice on writing see William strunk jr. and E. B.white, the elements of style,3d ed. (new York: macmillan,1979), and Teresa pelton Johnson, “writing for international security: A contributor’s guide,” international secuirity 16 (fall 1991): 171-80.
7.  If you are doing case studies: it often works to write detailed chronological hisrories of the case before doing the case study. This helps you gain mastery of the case. Then reorganize your material into a case study.


style
   
          acquire the manual on style (citation format, bibliography format, and so on) recommended by your department or university before you start your research, and check the sections on documentation and bibliografhy. This insures you will collect all appropriate citation information as you do your research. Otherwise you may have to waste time later retracing your step to collect the required the information.
Three general style formats are common: (1) the university of Chicago format, which puts references to sources in footnotes or endnotes; (  ) the modern language association (MLA) format, which incorporates references parenthetically within the text; and (3) the American psychological association (APA) format, which also puts references parenthetically in the text but varies in other ways from the MLA format. The Chicago format is the most reader-friendly; the others clutter the text with references. Use Chicago iy your department allows it.
The Chicago style rules are distilled in kate L. turabian, a manual for writers of term papers, theses, and dissertatiouns, 6th ed.,rev.jhon grossman and alice bennet (Chicago: university of Chicago press, 1996). Slavishly ober her instructions. Style mistakes make your manuscript look unprofessional.


Vetting

When you finish some dissertation chapter, circulate them to several friends for comments and criticism. Don’t be shy. The first law of scholarship is “two heads are better than one.” Vetting will improve your work.
If you chapters are really half-baked and early dissertation chapters usually are quite terrible do show some caution. It is probably best not to show them to complete strangers, who may conclude from them that you are brain-dead, and that your respirator should be turned off. Do, however, show them to friends who can be trusted to know that you are not brain-dead, even though the condition of your chapter suggests otherwise, and who will have you kick them into shape.
          Conversely, when others ask you to vet their work, you should take the task seriously. Helping others improve their written work is an important professional obligation. In carrying out this obligation, show mercy and compassion if your collague’s work in dicates early brain death while also making clear that there is significant room for improvement, and offering specific feasible suggestions.
Do not look solely to your professors for vetting or criticism. Your friends should play and equal, perhaps even larger, role.
          Graduate students sometimes view their fellow students are competitors to be kept at a distance and left unhelped. This is a serious error, for two reasons.          First, it is not menschlike. You should axiomatically, in your personal and professional life, aspire to be a mensch. The world needs more mensches: so be one. Your mother and I both hope that you take this appeal to heart. We will be proud of you if you do. And mensches help their fellow students and colleagues. Second, aloofness from your fellow students is a career management blunder. The history of social science lies in the record of triumphs and discoveries by scholars who formed empowering communities of mutual help and thereby outperformed their atomized colleagues. Those who act like piranhas often sink to the bottom, while those who help one another excel and prosper. Yes, Virginia, there is not conflict be tween collegial conduct and the imperatives of professional success. (on this matter study carefully Robert axelrod’s evolution of cooperation,pp. 63-66, which summarizes the keys to success in academy life.)

Your abstract

At an early stage, write a one or two page abstract that provides a clear, cogent summary of your dissertation. Circulate this abstract when you circulate draft chapters to help your readers grasp the general drift of what you are doing.
You should also include a provisional table of contens with chapter titles when you circulate draft chapters. This helps your readers see the big picture.

Dealing with your Dissertation Committee

Your adviser owes you a thoughtful reaction to your dissertation proposal and some reaction as you produce chapters. However, this is your dissertation not your adviser’s. your name goes on the cover. If you are really stuck as you will be from time to time ask for help, but don’t expect anyone to hold your hand trhough the whole process. Your adviser has the right to expect you to solve most of your problems yourself and to seek your own solutions before asking others to get involved.
Your committee members owe you one but only one careful reading of your dissertation chapters. Do not expect iterated readings. A loving adviser may give you more then one but don’t expect it. Hence you should carefully choose when you want your committee members to read your drafts.
Edit chapter drafts before showing them to your committee far longer to read very rough drafts, and they are less able to make useful comments. So neaten everything up before sending it around. (if you want early mid course correction from your committee, ask your adviser to react to a detailed outline not a half baket draft.)

Demokrasi di Indonesia Tantangan dan Harapan


Istilah demokrasi berasal dari bahasa yunani  yang terdiri dari dua kata yaitu demos dan kratos.Demos yang berarti rakyat dan kratos berarti pemerintahan.dan pengertian demokrasi adalah suatu sistem pemerintahan dari rayat,oleh rakyat dan untuk rakyat. Sejarah demokrasi berasal dari sistem yang berlaku di negara – negara kota (city state) yunani kuno.demokrasi di tandai dengan munculnya Magna Charta tahun 1215 di inggris. Demokratisasi adalah perubahan politik dari rezim otoritarian ke rezim demokratis, dan sekaligus sebagai tindakan atau gerakan bersama membangun demokrasi. Dalam konteks ini, pemberdayaan politik sangat terkait dengan demokratisasi sebagai sebuah gerakan atau tindakan membangun demokrasi. Yaitu melembagakan demokrasi prosedural (kelembagaan dan aturan main) dan membangun demokrasi substantif baik budaya demokrasi (civic culture) maupun civil society sebagai sebuah idea. Demokrasi prosedural terkait dengan hubungan antara legislatif, esekutif dan yudikatif; pola-pola penyelesaian ekstraparlementer; pemilihan umum, kepartaian, mekanisme pembuatan kebijakan, konstitusi dan lain-lain. Demokrasi substantif terkait dengan sikap dan perilaku demokrasi seperti toleransi, kebersamaan, partisipasi, kompetensi, civic engagement, solidaritas, trust, keterbukaan, kemitraan, antidiskriminasi, dll. Kalangan aktivis gerakan civil society, terutama NGO, tidak terlalu berbelit-belit dan rumit memahami dan memperjuangkan demokrasi. Dalam kacamata mereka target demokrasi adalah terbentuknya pemilihan umum yang bebas dan fair, kekebasan warga dan media massa, transparansi dan akuntabilitas pemerintahan, partisipasi warga masyarakat dalam pemerintahan, terjaminnya hak-hak sipil dan politik rakyat, dan lain-lain. Untuk memperjuangkan itu semua, aktivis NGO menempuh jalan menggelar pendidikan politik, membangun organisasi masyarakat sipil, mengembangkan jaringan multiarah, dan sebagainya. Namun dalam bilik literatur ilmu politik perdebatan demokratisasi sangat rumit dan bervariasi. Studi demokratisasi bagaikan rimba belantara. Dalam literatur, gerakan demokratisasi sering disebut konsolidasi demokrasi. Konsolidasi, secara normatif, merupakan upaya memelihara stabilitas dan presistensi demokrasi. Pada dasarnya konsolidasi bisa ditafsirkan sebagai proses pencapaian legitimasi yang luas dan dalam, sedemikian hingga semua aktor politik, pada level elite maupun massa, percaya bahwa rezim demokratis adalah yang paling benar dan tepat bagi masyarakat mereka, lebih baik ketimbang alternatif realistis lain yang bisa mereka bayangkan. Para pesaing politik harus memegang teguh demokrasi (hukum-hukum, prosedur-prosedur, dan institusi-institusi yang ditetapkannya) sebagai satu-satunya permainan, satu-satunya kerangka kerja yang layak untuk mengatur masyarakat dan memajukan kepentingan mereka sendiri. Pada level massa, harus ada suatu konsensus normatif dan perilaku yang luas -- yang melintasi kelas, etnis, kebangsaan, dan pemisahan-pemisahan lainnya -- tentang legitimasi sistem konstitusional (Scott Mainwaring, Guillermo O’Donnell dan Samuel Valenzuela 1992; Juan J. Linz & Alfred Stepan, 1996; Larry Diamond, 1999). Legitimasi dalam pengertian ini melibatkan lebih dari komitmen normatif. Ia harus juga ditunjukkan dalam sikap dan perilaku. Konsolidasi mencakup, apa yang oleh Dankwart Rustow (1970) disebut “pembiasaan", dimana norma-norma, prosedur-prosedur, dan harapan-harapan tentang demokrasi menjadi terinternalisasi sehingga para aktor secara rutin, secara instinktif mencocokkan diri dengan aturan-aturan permainannya yang tertulis (dan tak tertulis), bahkan ketika mereka berkonflik dan bersaing secara intens. Komitmen yang dalam pada demokrasi dan prosedur-prosedurnya pada level elite dan massa yang menghasilkan sebuah elemen konsolidasi yang krusial. Konsolidasi demokrasi, karenanya, hanya bisa dipahami secara penuh sebagai suatu pergeseran dalam kultur politik. Lantas model demokrasi macam apa yang hendak dikonsolidasikan, diinternalisasikan dan dipercaya oleh seluruh elemen masyarakat? Bicara tentang model demokrasi, orang biasanya sudah terpola dengan model demokrasi liberal-perwakilan ala Barat. Demokrasi, menurut model ini, diukur dengan bekerjanya tiga nilai penting: kontestasi (kompetisi), liberalisasi dan partisipasi. Ketiganya disandarkan pada prinsip kebebasan individu, khususnya kebebasan untuk (freedom for). Secara prosedural kompetisi, liberalisasi dan partisipasi dilembagakan dalam pemilihan dan lembaga perwakilan. Setiap individu bebas berkompetisi memperebutkan jabatan-jabatan publik baik esekutif maupun lembaga perwakilan (legislatif) melalui proses pemilihan.   Setiap individu bebas berpartisipasi dalam pemilihan umum, atau menggunakan hak suaranya secara bebas tanpa tekanan, ancaman atau mobilisasi. Prinsip one man one vote sangat dipegang teguh oleh pandangan liberal ini. Di sisi lain, untuk menjamin kebebasan kompetisi dan partisipasi, sangat diperlukan liberalisasi, atau sebuah jaminan hukum atas penggunaan hak-hak politik setiap individu. Artinya setiap orang harus bebas untuk berbicara, berkumpul, berserikat, memperoleh informasi dari pers yang bebas dan lain-lain. Proses pemilihan sebagai sebuah wadah kompetisi dan partisipasi harus berjalan secara bebas dan fair, yang dalam konteks Indonesia dikenal dengan asas luber dan jurdil. Model demokrasi seperti itu dianggap universal dan cenderung diadopsi atau diterapkan secara seragam di seluruh dunia. Ini kekacauan yang luar biasa. Tetapi dalam tradisi pemikiran dan praktik empirik, model demokrasi liberal-perwakilan itu tidak luput dari banyak kritik. Ada sebuah pandangan partikularistik terhadap demokrasi, yang sangat memperhatikan keragaman budaya, struktur sosial, sistem ekonomi dan sejarah setiap negara ketika menyikapi demokrasi. Pandangan ini, menurut kacamata saya, terpilah menjadi dua: pandangan partikularistik berbasis nativisme dan pandangan partikularistik berpijak comunitarianisme. Kaum nativis umumnya antiliberal, anti-Barat dan menjunjung tinggi semangat keasilan, tetapi tidak didukung oleh argumen yang kuat secara logis, historis dan sosilogis. Mereka sering melontarkan berbagai wacana yang menipiskan harapan akan demokrasi: “demokrasi itu produk Barat”, “demokrasi itu pikiran orang Yahudi”, “demokrasi itu tidak sesuai dengan Islam”, “demokrasi ala Barat tidak sesuai dengan kepribadian bangsa Indonesia”, “demokrasi hanya menimbulkan anarkhisme”, “demokrasi justru menjadi penyebab perpecahan bangsa”, “demokrasi itu ngayawara kalau rakyat masih miskin”, dan lain-lain. Bagi saya sederet wacana itu adalah mitos yang menyesatkan. Demokrasi, seperti halnya Pancasila, tidak harus dikatakan, melainkan untuk dipraktikkan. Banyak orang Indonesia yang tidak mengerti apa itu Pancasila, tetapi mereka dalam kehidupan sehari-hari mempraktikkan Pancasila dengan lebih baik ketimbang para pejabat tinggi bergelar “Manggala” yang biasa memberi penataran P-4. Nenek moyang Indonesia pada masa lalu telah mempraktikkan daily-life democracy tanpa harus mengatakan secara lateral apa itu demokrasi.
Pandangan nativisme itu tidak cukup “arif” dan memadai untuk membangun demokrasi, apalagi penganut pandangan itu tidak mempunyai solusi politik yang lebih cerdas ketimbang pandangan demokrasi universal. Karena itu, yang lebih “arif”, adalah pandangan demokrasi partikularistik yang berhaluan comunitarian. Pandangan partikularistik-comunitarian ini yakin bahwa pratik demokrasi tidak bisa diseragamkan di berbagai negara, karena konteks budaya, struktur sosial dan sejarah yang berbeda-beda. Mohamad Hatta termasuk pendukung pandangan itu. Dalam merumuskan demokrasi, pandangan partikularistik-komunitarian tidak berpijak pada kebebasan individual tetapi pada komunitas secara kolektif untuk mencapai kebaikan bersama. Pandangan communitarian justru lahir sebagai kritik terhadap teori demokrasi liberal. Dua penganut demokrasi communitarian, Barber dan Walzer, menyatakan bahwa individualisme liberal cenderung merusak kewarganegaraan dan menafikkan civic virtue. Artinya, semangat individualisme liberal itu tidak mampu memberikan landasan yang kokoh bagi kebebasan dan kesetaraan warga dalam bingkai demokrasi komunitas. Penganut communitarian yakin bahwa rakyat pada dasarnya selalu berada dalam ikatan komunal ketimbang individualistik, karena itu model demokrasi perwakilan cenderung menciptakan alineasi partisipasi publik dan tidak mampu memenuhi kebutuhan dasar publik. Kaum comunitarian memang menaruh perhatian pada otonomi individu seperti kaum liberal, namun yang ditonjolkan bukan kebebasan individu melainkan penghargaan individu kepada otonomi individu lainnya serta pemberian kesempatan pada setiap individu untuk memaksimalkan aktualisasi diri dalam ikatan kolektif.
Berbeda dengan tradisi demokrasi liberal yang diformalkan dengan wadah lembaga-lembaga politik, gagasan demokrasi communitarian tersebut tidak terlalu berpikir tentang prosedur formal dalam lembaga-lembaga politik, melainkan terfokus pada everyday life democracy yang secara substantif dapat ditanamkan dalam wadah komunitas lokal. Oleh karena itu gagasan demokrasi communitarian akan dipraktikkan secara beragam dan partikularistik sesuai dengan konteks sosio-kultural masyarakat setempat.

I.                   Demokrasi Liberal (1950 – 1959)
Pada periode ini diberlakukan sistem Demokrasi Parlementer yang sering disebut Demokrasi Liberal dan diberlakukan UUDS 1950. Namun setelah negara RI dengan UUDS 1950 dan sistem Demokrasi
Liberal yang dialami rakyat Indonesia selama hampir 9 tahun, maka rakyat
Indonesia sadar bahwa UUDS 1950 dengan sistem Demokrasi Liberal tidak
cocok dan tidak sesuai dengan jiwa Pancasila dan UUD 1945. Akhirnya Presiden
menganggap bahwa keadaan ketatanegaraan Indonesia membahayakan
persatuan dan kesatuan bangsa dan negara serta merintangi pembangunan
semesta berencana untuk mencapai masyarakat adil dan makmur; sehingga
pada tanggal 5 Juli 1959 mengumumkan dekrit mengenai pembubaran
Konstituante dan berlakunya kembali UUD 1945 serta tidak berlakunya UUDS
1950.
Dampak Demokrasi Liberal dalam pemerintahan:
a.                                Pembangunan tidak berjalan lancar karena Kabinet selalu silih berganti,
karena masing-masing partai lebih memperhatikan kepentingan partai
atau golongannya.
b.                                Tidak ada partai yang dominan maka seorang kepala negara terpaksa
bersikap mengambang diantara kepentingan banyak partai. Maka
pengambil keputusan itu menjadi tidak ada.. Karena tidak ada partai yang
pionir (pelopor), istilah Bung Karno Ini membahayakan untuk negara yang
berkembang.
c.                                Dalam sistem multipartai tidak pernah ada lembaga legislatif, yudikatif dan eksekutif yang kuat, sehingga tidak ada pemerintahan yang efektif.
Dampak Demokrasi Liberal dalam masyarakat:
a.       Munculnya pemberontakan di berbagai daerah
(DI/TII, Permesta, APRA, RMS)
b.      Memunculkan ketidakpercayaan publik terhadap pemerintahan yang ada saat itu.
Beberapa permasalahan yang muncul pada masa Demokrasi Liberal:
a.       perundingan dengan Belanda mengenai Irian Barat mengalami jalan buntu.
b.      yang bebas aktif karena lebih condong ke blok barat bahkan dinilai telah memasukkan Indonesia ke dalam blok barat.
c.       Krisis moral yang ditandai dengan munculnya korupsi yang terjadi pada setiap lembaga pemerintahan.
d.      krisis ekonomi
e.       Berkobarnya semangat anti Cina di masyarakat.
f.       Pembatalan KMB oleh presiden menimbulkan masalah baru khususnya mengenai nasib modal pengusaha Belanda di Indonesia

II.                Desentralisasi dan Otonomi
Demokratisasi dan desentralisasi merupakan dua sisi dalam sebuah mata uang, yang bersandar pada pinsip pembagian kekuasaan yang ujungnya adalah kedaulatan rakyat. Demokratisasi dan desentralisasi juga terkait dengan semangat membawa negara lebih dekat ke rakyat. Di satu sisi demokratisasi mengharuskan desentralisasi, yaitu devolusi kekuasaan dari pemerintah pusat ke pemerintah lokal (daerah sampai desa), dari negara ke masyarakat. Desentralisasi mengharuskan pengurangan peran dan intervensi negara ke masyarakat lokal, serta pelibatan secara luas partisipasi masyarakat dalam urusan publik. Desentralisasi yang menghasilkan otonomi (daerah dan desa), memungkinkan masyarakat lokal mengelola pemerintahan sendiri (self-governing), membuat keputusan, mengelola sumberdaya lokal serta menyelesaikan persoalan lokal secara mandiri. Di sisi lain, otonomi (daerah dan desa) harus didukung demokrasi lokal yang kuat, sebab otonomi tanpa demokrasi hanya akan menimbulkan pemindahan sentralisasi maupun korupsi dari pemerintah pusat ke pemerintah lokal. Demokrasi di tingkat lokal, dengan demikian, menuntut transparansi dan akuntabilitas pemerintah lokal, partisipasi masyarakat dan kontrol masyarakat terhadap pemerintah.
Baik demokratisasi dan desentralisasi tentu saja menjadi komitmen kemanusiaan, internasional dan masyarakat lokal. Komitmen dan tekanan global, secara historis, menimbulkan sebuah gelombang desentralisasi politik di seluruh dunia sejak 1970-an. Akan tetapi, gerakan untuk pemindahan kekuasaan menghadapi resistensi yang kuat dari birokrasi pemerintah pusat yang mengakar-kuat, para pejabat nasional yang cemas, ideologi sentralistik dan statis yang masih melekat, dan tradisi historis kekuasaan negara tersentralisir yang berasal dari kekuasaan masa lampau, Di luar rintangan-rintangan ini, pemerintahan lokal yang efektif memerlukan sumber daya untuk menciptakan struktur administrasi dan representasi mereka sendiri dan untuk menyediakan pelayanan yang lebih baik bagi warganya. Sumber daya ini mahal di negara-negara miskin, yang telah merasakan perlunya untuk mengkonsentrasikan kekuasaan dan menerapkan otoritas dalam rangka memicu pembangunan dan menjamin distribusi yang lebih merata.
Bagaimana kita dapat menjelaskan lebih suksesnya demokrasi pada skala yang sangat kecil? Bagaimana desentralisasi dapat membantu memperdalam demokrasi di negara-negara yang lebih besar? Larry Diamond (1999), misalnya, menyatakan secara cerdas bahwa pemerintahan lokal dapat memupuk vitalitas demokrasi dalam lima cara luas yang tumpang-tindih. Pertama, ia membantu mengembangkan nilai-nilai dan ketrampilan demokratis di kalangan warga. Kedua, ia meningkatkan akuntabilitas dan responsivitas terhadap kepentingan dan urusan lokal. Ketiga, ia memberikan saluran akses tambahan ke kekuasaan bagi kelompok yang secara historis termarjinalkan dan karenanya meningkatkan representativitas demokrasi. Keempat, ia meningkatkan check and balances terhadap kekuasaan di pusat. Kelima, ia memberikan peluang bagi partai-partai dan faksi-faksi oposisi di pusat untuk menerapkan sejumlah kekuasaan politik. Masing-masing fungsi ini meningkatkan legitimasi dan stabilitas demokrasi.

III.             Tantangan dan Harapan
Amartya Sen, penerima nobel bidang ekonomi menyebutkan bahwa demokrasi dapat
mengurangi kemiskinan. Pernyataan ini akan terbukti bila pihak legislatif menyuarakan
hak-hak orang miskin dan kemudian pihak eksekutif melaksanakan program-program
yang efektif untuk mengurangi kemiskinan. Sayangnya, dalam masa transisi ini, hal itu
belum terjadi secara signifikan.
Demokrasi di Indonesia terkesan hanya untuk mereka dengan tingkat kesejahteraan
ekonomi yang cukup. Sedangkan bagi golongan ekonomi bawah, demokrasi belum
memberikan dampak ekonomi yang positif buat mereka. Inilah tantangan yang harus
dihadapi dalam masa transisi. Demokrasi masih terkesan isu kaum elit, sementara
ekonomi adalah masalah riil kaum ekonomi bawah yang belum diakomodasi dalam
proses demokratisasi. Ini adalah salah satu tantangan terberat yang dihadapi bangsa
Indonesia saat ini.
Demokrasi dalam arti sebenarnya terkait dengan pemenuhan hak asasi manusia. Dengan
demikian ia merupakan fitrah yang harus dikelola agar menghasilkan output yang baik.
Setiap manusia memiliki hak untuk menyampaikan pendapat, berkumpul, berserikat dan
bermasyarakat. Dengan demikian, demokrasi pada dasarnya memerlukan aturan main.
Aturan main tersebut sesuai dengan nilai-nilai Islam dan sekaligus yang terdapat dalam
undang-undang maupun peraturan pemerintah.
Di masa transisi, sebagian besar orang hanya tahu mereka bebas berbicara, beraspirasi,
berdemonstrasi. Namun aspirasi yang tidak sampai akan menimbulkan kerusakan. Tidak
sedikit fakta yang memperlihatkan adanya pengrusakan ketika terjadinya demonstrasi
menyampaikan pendapat. Untuk itu orang memerlukan pemahaman yang utuh agar
mereka bisa menikmati demokrasi.
Demokrasi di masa transisi tanpa adanya sumber daya manusia yang kuat akan
mengakibatkan masuknya pengaruh asing dalam kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Ini
adalah tantangan yang cukup berat juga dalam demokrasi yang tengah menapak.
Pengaruh asing tersebut jelas akan menguntungkan mereka dan belum tentu
menguntungkan Indonesia. Dominannya pengaruh asing justru mematikan demokrasi itu
sendiri karena tidak diperbolehkannya perbedaan pendapat yang seharusnya
menguntungkan Indonesia. Standar ganda pihak asing juga akan menjadi penyebab
mandulnya demokrasi di Indonesia.
Anarkisme yang juga menggejala pasca kejatuhan Soeharto juga menjadi tantangan bagi
demokrasi di Indonesia. Anarkisme ini merupakan bom waktu era Orde Baru yang
meledak pada saat ini. Anarkisme pada saat ini seolah-olah merupakan bagian dari
demonstrasi yang sulit dielakkan, dan bahkan kehidupan sehari-hari. Padahal anarkisme
justru bertolak belakang dengan hak asasi manusia dan nilai-nilai Islam.
Harapan dari adanya demokrasi yang mulai tumbuh adalah ia memberikan manfaat
sebesar-besarnya untuk kemaslahatan umat dan juga bangsa. Misalnya saja, demokrasi
bisa memaksimalkan pengumpulan zakat oleh negara dan distribusinya mampu
mengurangi kemiskinan. Disamping itu demokrasi diharapkan bisa menghasilkan
pemimpin yang lebih memperhatikan kepentingan rakyat banyak seperti masalah
kesehatan dan pendidikan.
Tidak hanya itu, demokrasi diharapkan mampu menjadikan negara kuat. Demokrasi di
negara yang tidak kuat akan mengalami masa transisi yang panjang. Dan ini sangat
merugikan bangsa dan negara. Demokrasi di negara kuat (seperti Amerika) akan
berdampak positif bagi rakyat. Sedangkan demokrasi di negara berkembang seperti
Indonesia tanpa menghasilkan negara yang kuat justru tidak akan mampu
mensejahterakan rakyatnya. Negara yang kuat tidak identik dengan otoritarianisme
maupun militerisme.
Harapan rakyat banyak tentunya adalah pada masalah kehidupan ekonomi mereka serta
bidang kehidupan lainnya. Demokrasi membuka celah berkuasanya para pemimpin yang
peduli dengan rakyat dan sebaliknya bisa melahirkan pemimpin yang buruk. Harapan
rakyat akan adanya pemimpin yang peduli di masa demokrasi ini adalah harapan dari
implementasi demokrasi itu sendiri.
Di masa transisi ini, implementasi demokrasi masih terbatas pada kebebasan dalam
berpolitik, sedangkan masalah ekonomi masih terpinggirkan. Maka muncul kepincangan
dalam kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Politik dan ekonomi adalah dua sisi yang
berbeda dalam sekeping mata uang, maka masalah ekonomi pun harus mendapat
perhatian yang serius dalam implementasi demokrasi agar terjadi penguatan demokrasi.
Semakin rendahnya tingkat kehidupan ekonomi rakyat akan berdampak buruk bagi
demokrasi karena kuatnya bidang politik ternyata belum bisa mengarahkan kepada
perbaikan ekonomi. Melemahnya ekonomi akan berdampak luas kepada bidang lain,
seperti masalah sumber daya manusia. Sumber daya manusia yang lemah jelas tidak bisa
memperkuat demokrasi, bahkan justru bisa memperlemah demokrasi.
Demokrasi di Indonesia memberikan harapan akan tumbuhnya masyarakat baru yang
memiliki kebebasan berpendapat, berserikat, berumpul, berpolitik dimana masyarakat
mengharap adanya iklim ekonomi yang kondusif. Untuk menghadapi tantangan dan
mengelola harapan ini agar menjadi kenyataan dibutuhkan kerjasama antar kelompok dan
partai politik agar demokrasi bisa berkembang ke arah yang lebih baik.